11. joulukuuta 2014


Before setting out in a pink S.U.V. to comb the schoolyards and shopping malls of southern Brazil, Alisson Chornak studies books, maps and Web sites to understand how the towns were colonized and how European their residents might look today.

The goal, he and other model scouts say, is to find the right genetic cocktail of German and Italian ancestry, perhaps with some Russian or other Slavic blood thrown in. Such a mix, they say, helps produce the tall, thin girls with straight hair, fair skin and light eyes that Brazil exports to the runways of New York, Milan and Paris with stunning success.
The remarks about poor people were identical to the some of the stereotypes of black people. In my view, negative views of poor people masked negative views of darker skinned people. However, some of the stereotypes pertaining to beauty such as terrible hair or a wide nose were directly correlated with black Brazilians.


From my observations, being black can be based on a number of factors such as facial features, hairstyles or regional identity. One of my first encounters with defining blackness came from Larissa. After I told her about my research, she began to tell me her views around race. She let me know with a lot of passion that she was against quotas for Afro-descendants to enter the university system because admission should not solely be based on race. She then proceeded to tell me that Beyoncé was not black and would not be considered black in Brazil. Larissa’s comment about Beyoncé can be interpreted as the whitening of someone with darker skin because of higher income status.


Ivete mentioned that features of black people in Brazil were different than in the United States because in Brazil they had bigger lips, foreheads and noses. In her view, black people in the United States had “finer” features meaning smaller lips, foreheads, noses. She told me that I did not look like the black people in Brazil because my forehead was shorter. Most surprising about this conversation was the fact that she had a “black” child. From my observation, Ivete appeared white because she had straight blonde hair and very pale skin. From our conversation, I gathered that she had a child with a man that she identified as black and that because of this her daughter was now black. She talked fondly of her daughter saying that she had big lips and referred to her as “nega” and “negonha”.


I believe that the high percentage of light-skinned individuals in photos can be explained by the standard of beauty that is prominent in Brazil. Lighter skin is more valued than darker skin and therefore seen as more attractive. This phenomenon is not particular to Brazil as there are many other countries where lighter skin is valued in terms of beauty, such as in the United States.


Blackness was identified on the basis of facial features. I find it interesting that many of my respondents did not identify black people based on their skin color, but did identify them based on their outward appearance. People of African descent have all different types of noses, eyes, and lips. It is not to say that some do not have wide noses, big eyes and big lips. However, the stereotype of black people having wide noses, big eyes and big lips does not correspond with the image of Brazil as a multi-racial society. If Brazil indeed has a considerable multi-racial population, one can assume that there would be phenotypic differences among African descendants because of widespread miscegenation. In other words, there would not be large numbers of “black” people with wide noses, big eyes and big lips. There would be more variation such as “black” people with small noses, small eyes, and small lips. Nevertheless, the stereotype of black features remains prevalent in Brazil, according to my analyses.
Starting from colonial times, Brazil has a long history of racial miscegenation. How do families structure themselves with respect to a concept of racial hierarchy? Several censuses and survey from the Brazilian Central Statistical Office (IBGE) incorporates some ethnic enumeration with information on race/skin color of the respondent, though mostly self-reported. Alternatives are: “White”, “Black”, “Asian”, “Mixed race” and “Native Brazilian”. Though it is possible that some subjectivity is inherent to the process, temporal consistency is observable, within a 5% error margin. Analyzing census data, one can perceive a time trend towards “whitening” of the population until 1991, with a slight reversal in 2000, resuming the “whitening” trend up to 2010 (the latest census). But how do offspring of interracial marriages self-report themselves? Among possible alternatives, is the race/skin color of the father or the mother the determinant factor? Is this choice affected by geographical region or social status? Is there a noticeable time trend in choices made? The study analysis data from five Brazilian censuses, between 1960 and 2010, in order to identify patterns and trends among offspring of interracial marriages.

Among exogamic couples where one of the partners is “White”, this is the dominant race/skin color alternative for the offspring. When the mother is “White” the difference with respect to other alternatives is even wider, less so, when the father is “Asian”. The reported proportion of “White” children increases with socio-economic status. Among “Black”/”Mixed-race” couples, the preference is for reporting “Mixed-race” offspring, with a higher proportion of “Black” if the father is also “Black”.
According to Amelia Simpson, “the number of white, blond, blue-eyed models appearing in Brazilian publications makes one think more of Sweden than Brazil”. Within these conditions, Xuxa propels to stardom through her Aryan looks which are considered the most beautiful and desirable, yet atypical of Brazil. Despite her atypical looks, “her southern origins place Xuxa in the context of the racial continuum that informs Brazil’s cultural geography, within which the country is divided into a predominantly white south and nonwhite north”. Thus Xuxa, a woman considered ‘truly white’ or ‘branca mesma’ because of her blond hair, is yet a Brazilian. Therefore, much to the subconscious pleasure of many Brazilians, her looks work to prove to the Western world that Brazil is not a nation of blacks, but a nation with whites, some of whom are even the blonde Western stereotype.


The images of black women in advertisements and commercial imagery are often chosen for their Caucasian likeness, having thin lips, smaller noses, [with] blonder hair and paler skin [as] advantages…Moreover, the norms of appearance have been empirically proven to be linked to a women’s success.
How does racial democracy exist in Brazil?

Gilberto Freyre conceptualized racial democracy to describe Brazil's non-racist and harmonious multiracial society in the early 1900s. I suggest there are three views for assessing racial democracy in scholarly literature: achieved Brazil is a multiracial non-racist society; oppressive Brazil is a racist society with strained interracial relations; and aspirational Brazil is a multiracial racist society that aspires to be non-racist. I then argue that exposure to US racial ideals via migration influences Brazilians' perceptions of racial democracy. I demonstrate this using interviews with forty-nine Brazilians who migrated to the USA and returned to Brazil and twenty-four non-migrants who did not migrate, in Governador Valadares, Brazil. My findings indicate that more returnees and non-migrants perceive Brazil as a multiracial racist country, which is consistent with the aspirational view of racial democracy.


What's love got to do with it?: racial features, stigma and socialization in Afro-Brazilian families

This article explores how racial socialization in poor and working-class Afro-Brazilian families conveys messages about racial features that reproduce and resist racial hierarchies. Relying on 116 semi-structured interviews and ethnography in fifteen Afro-Brazilian families conducted in Salvador, Bahia, Brazil, I argue that racial socialization consists of discursive strategies, concrete practices and affective displays that stigmatize black racial features. This study examines racial socialization within the intimate context of parent and sibling relationships, highlighting how Afro-Brazilians negotiate racial features such as skin colour, hair texture and nose shape during day-to-day interactions and life transitions. To illustrate the complexity of Afro-Brazilian families, I discuss critical moments when socialization simultaneously reproduces and inverts racial hierarchies. I conclude by arguing that racial hierarchies are constantly negotiated in Afro-Brazilian families, but racial socialization most often reinforces dominant racial structures in ways that compromise the affective quality of family relationships.


‘… Latin America without the downside’: racial exceptionalism and global tourism in Costa Rica

In this paper I address how the ideology of Costa Rican exceptionalism and whiteness has maintained racial inequality with the growth of global tourism. Whereas scholars of whiteness in Latin America typically ignore how the ideology has supported racial inequality in structural forms, I explore how discursive racial discourses influence how structural inequality practices in the tourism industry take form. I examine the narratives and symbols from public and private Costa Rican tourism actors who use Costa Rica's racial ideology of exceptionalism and whiteness to position the nation's cultural wealth. Two narratives to define Costa Rica are promoted: (1) environmental uniqueness; and (2) rural democracy traditions. These narratives support white inclusionary and black exclusionary practices in tourism economic activity. Because Costa Rica is perceived as ‘white’ and represents a ‘white habitus’, it distinguishes itself as a ‘democratic’ and ‘safe’ place to visit, while negatively racialized Afro-Costa Rican locations in the southern Atlantic coast are framed as ‘dangerous’ or ‘different’ and non-representative of the exceptional characteristics.

Kauneustutkimukseeni liittyen tuli vastaan mielenkiintoinen kirjoitus Steve Sailer:lta, jossa hän tuo esille tällä hetkellä Brasiliassa meneillä oleviin jalkapallokisoihin liittyen kuinka Brasilian maajoukkueen pelaajan Neymarin ulkonäkö on muuttunut sanotaanko mustasta valkoiseksi. Neymarin äiti on ulkonäön perusteella valkoinen ja isä näyttäisi olevan sanotaanko afrolatino tai mulatti. Neymar:lla itsellään on lapsi hyvin eurooppalaiselta näyttävän vaalean naisen kanssa.

Olen tuosta lainauksesta korostanut kuinka Steven mukaan Yhdysvalloissa tai Amerikassa valkoiset eivät ole kiinnostavia media mukaan. Näin se taitaa jossain määrin olla tällä hetkellä, että esim. sekarotuisuutta, monikultuurisuutta ja kaikkea muuta ei valkoisuutta ylistetään länsimaissa, kun taas muualla ihmiset jossain määrin haluavat olla kuin eurooppalaiset, jonka takia puhutaan esim. eurokeskisestä kauneusihanteesta. Kaipa tässä on kyse erilaisuuden ihainnoinnista, että niissä maissa, joissa valkoiset ovat vähemmistöä ihainnoidaan varsinkin eliitin takia valkoisuutta, mutta vastaavasti länsimaissa tilanne on toinen.
As I’ve been pointing out for many years, the widespread assumption you see all the time in the American press that whiteness is tainted and uncool is not shared by the Third World.

Women in Latin America, Asia, and Africa spend extravagantly on skin lighteners.

The basic reason for this was explained by Peter Frost: the untanned skin of women is on average about 10% fairer than of their own brothers. So, fairness is linked in the popular mind to femininity, just as, say, long hair is (women’s hair apparently grows longer when uncut than men’s hair on average). That’s why the poets went on and on about “the fair sex:” they certainly weren’t of the opinion that women were more fair in their behavior. But before people had much exposure to major racial differences in color, they were more cognizant than we are of minor sexual differences in color.


Anonymous says:

White womanhood is still seen as the ideal, at least physically. It’s not considered uncool or “selling out” for black men to chase after white women or for black women to try to Europeanize their appearance, which is almost universal among younger black women.

Black men are fetishized in white countries, though, so you see them trying to emphasize their black features if anything. The same doesn’t seem to be true in the rest of the world.
Alcestis Eshtemoa:

A family like Neymar’s in Brazil (black father/white mother), is quite atypical and rare in Brazil. My family is like that and it’s extremely rare in Brazil. Brazil is actually the whitest country in terms of genetics because often it involved (and still involves) white fathers (illegitimacy, prostitution).

I’m a mixed-raced girl who speaks Portuguese and has some affiliations with Brazil, so I’m constantly ashamed at the lies that the average American believes about Brazil.

Brazil generally speaks Portuguese with little holdover from distinctive linguistic tribal languages and it’s ethnic demographics vary by region. Brazil is mostly Roman Catholic with 65% of the population (22% Protestant, 8% irreligious/non-religious).

As a whole Brazil is 45% white Caucasian/Branco (white immigrants from Portugal, Italy, Germany, Poland, Ukraine, Syria, Lebanon), 45% mixed-raced/Pardo (children from male colonial conquistadores and their Amerindian/Black female slaves), 2% Asian (Japanese and Taiwanese Chinese immigrants) and 7.5% Black African (Negro) and 0.5% Amerindian.

Black ancestry in Brazil typically came from Angola (Southwest Africa, very near Namibia and South Africa) and Mozambique (East Africa), so it’s more Southern and Eastern black, it’s rarely West African.

They wouldn’t know that the average Brazilian has excessive Y-Chromosome white male lead miscegenation (90-95%), making the average mixed raced person about 70-80% White Caucasian and the average white person (who looks white) to be around 90-100% white Caucasian in ancestry (lots of descendants from immigrants).

I have compared pictures of Brazilians to their autosomal results on various Human Biodiversity websites. The thing is that for a Brazilian person to look “white”, that person has to cross the 90% white line and be at least consistently 95% white because Sub-Saharan African mixture is that stubborn.

In general, Brazil is a 2nd world country with a working class to lower-middle class atmosphere, and it’s not the 3rd world as some would imagine it. Remember that there is a huge difference between the North and the North-East. Favelas are only 12 million, or 6% of the Brazilian population. They’re the most violently crime-ridden.

The poor favela people you see in major Southeastern cities such as Rio de Janeiro or São Paulo were all originally from the Northeast. They moved from the Northeast to the Southeast and started ruining the place thanks to international leftist NGOs.

Since Brazilian population is estimated to be 200 million, 16 million (North) is just about 8% of the country (lowest density population), so the infamous notoriety should be with the North-East (50 million) in reality.

The rest of the population is into non-violent crime such as stealing, or trafficking, and prostitution. Prostitution whitens the populace further and that explains why Brazil has a 66% illegitimacy (cohabitation rate).

By living standards and Human Development Index (HDI):

Northeast – HDI 0.653 or Medium
North – HDI 0.683 or Medium
Center-West – HDI 0.753 or High
Southeast – HDI 0.753 or High
South – HDI 0.756 or High

Socialism/Welfare transfers don’t work in Brazil because it’s a caste society with different ethnic and SES groups, so most people tend to be more local/regional and look out for their own. In addition, despite the 66% Brazilian illegitimacy rates, most practice cohabitation and live with their biological fathers/mothers, as well as the extended family such as uncles, aunts, cousins and others.

The legalization of abortion in Brazil was because of “women right’s” in law, but the truth on the ground is that it will be mostly used for eugenic reasons (poverty, skin color, caste, economics), or the occasional relationship reasons such as infidelity/adultery.

Prostitution in Brazil involves mostly the mixed-raced middle-class and a lot of white male (and to a lesser extent Asian) clients. This increases the illegitimacy rate somewhat (remember there’s no social/wealth transfers in Brazil and idiocy such as child support enforced nor widely believed).

Prostitution is a middle-class practice in Brazil and present in all regions, but it affects the lowly populated areas first, meaning the North (16 million) and Center-West (14 million) regions suffer the most impact.

The average mixed-raced girl tends to look anything between actresses such as Ildi Silva (70% European), Juliana Paes (80% European) and Adriana Lima (90% European). The average white girl in Brazil is as white as Ana Hickmann and Gisele Bunchden (90 to 100% European). A lot of European predominance in the Brazilian population thanks to white males (both colonizers and immigrants) mostly having sex.

Poimintoja Steve Sailer:in blogista, jossa alla olevassa kirjoituksessa käsitellään brasilialaisten geeniperimää.
Something that’s going on here is the Two Sisters Effect, which works differently in Brazil than in traditional U.S.. Say that two fraternal twin sisters are born of one parent who is pure black and one who is pure white. One sister is relatively fair in coloration, the other relatively dark. In the traditional U.S. under the One Drop Rule, both would be considered black, although the fairer sister might be invited to join the Jack and Jill Club and other black elite social institutions for those who can pass Paper Bag Test.

In Brazil, however, where there was a Color Contiuum rather than a Color Line, the fair sister is more likely to marry up the social ladder toward the whiter part of society while the darker sister is likely to marry down the social ladder toward the darker part of society. But the rest of their genes besides those affecting coloration are likely to be fairly randomly distributed according to their mutual ancestry.

So, over many generations under this kind of selection, there will be more differentiation between genes for coloration/looks and genes for everything else in Brazil than in the U.S.
Syon:lla on mielenkiintoinen kommentti, jossa hän tuo esille kuinka eurooppalaisen tai valkoisen silmissä mulatti tai eurasialainen näyttää mustalta tai aasialaiselta, että ei tässä sinänsä ole mitään uutta. Kauan sitten laitoin tähän keskusteluun linkin hyvin vanhaan Ison-Britannian satamakaupungeissa olleiden monietnisten lapsien ulkonäköä käsittelevään tutkimukseen, jossa tutkija toi yleisesti esille kuinka mulatit näyttivät enemmän mustalta isältään ja kiinalaisten isien lapset olivat myös pitkälti kiinalaisten isien näköisiä vaikka lapsilla oli brittiläinen äiti. Tämä ei kuitenkaan poista sitä, että osa sekoituksista on selvästi vanhempien välimuotoja vaikka moni helposti luokittelee eurasialaisen aasialaiseksi, kuten tehdään esim. amerikkalaisessa pornossa.
syon says:

“One of the main facts about American life is hypodescent, “the practice of determining the lineage of a child of mixed-race ancestry by assigning the child the race of his or her more socially subordinate parent.” Barack Obama & the Kenyan politician Raila Odinga (who, probably falsely, claims to be Obama’s first cousin) are both “black,” despite the fact that when compared to each other Obama’s substantial European ancestry is rather clear. I recall years ago watching the Oprah Winfrey television show where they were discussing the issue of self-hatred with a young black woman who was attempting to become impregnated by a white man (any white man) so that her children would “look white” and be beautiful. An adoption counselor rose up and told this young woman that her agency had many biracial children who they were attempting to place, and “none of them look white, they all look black.” The clear and present background axiom here is that the power of black phenotype ensured the futility of this young woman’s “quest.”

In hindsight it seems to me that these perceptions are mostly socially constructed. Years ago I had a friend who was of mixed European and Japanese origin who was raised in Japan. I recall once that someone stated that they were surprised that her father was a white American, as she looked “totally Japanese.” My friend got irritated, and replied that that was rather interesting as growing up in Japan people would tell her how white she looked. Obviously these sorts of gestalt perceptions are scaffolded by social context; in Japan my friend’s white characteristics were very salient, while in the United States her Japanese ones were. The norms of reference were socially conditioned, so the scaling of phenotype did not have a linearly proportional effect on perception in identity. In other words, a rather small absolute physical deviation from the social norm can elicit strong relative perceptions of difference.

Alcestis Eshtemoa linkkasi Steve Sailer:in kirjoitukseen, jossa lyhyesti tuodaan esille kuinka hiusten suoristaminen on Brasiliassa hyvin suosittua. Brasilia on noin puoliksi mulattimaa ja tämän lisäksi monilla valkoisillakin on afrikkalaista taustaa, jonka takia on selvää, että hyvin monella brasilialaisella on enemmän ja vähemmän kiharamaiset hiukset. Tietenkin on eurooppalaisia, joilla on kiharamaiset hiukset ilman afrikkalaista taustaa, mutta ne eivät ole yhtä äärimmäisen kiharat kuin monilla mulateilla. Tällä hetkellä näyttäisi olevan yleisesti naisilla muodissa pitkät suorat hiukset, joista nähtävästi myös miehetkin yleensä paljonkin tykkäävät, mutta muoti voi muuttua, että tulevaisuudessa naisilla on enemmän kiharammat ja lyhyemmät hiukset.

Poimin alle kaksi kommenttia brasilialaisilta, joista ensimmäisessä viitataan mielenkiintoiseen netistä löytyvään "What it's like to teach Black students" kirjoitukseen ja toisessa kommentissa tuodaan esille kuinka moni brasilialainen nainen on kateellinen ja harmistunut pohjoiseurooppalaisista naisista, koska heidän ulkonäköä pidetään feminiinisenä. Tämä on tietenkin totta ja valitettavaa monen naisen kannalta, että Latinalaisessa Amerikassa voi paljonkin havaita kuinka enemmän eurooppalaisen ulkonäön omaavia suositaan. Vaikkei monen eurooppalaisen naisen sanominen erittäin kauniiksi ole virheellistä, niin siitä huolimatta ei pitäisi unohtaa, että myös monet mulatit ja muut naisetkin voivat olla kauniita. Tärkeintä on, että arvostetaan erilaista kauneutta, eikä aiheuteta naisille turhia ulkonäköpaineita, että ollaakseen kaunis pitäisi olla pitkälti eurooppalaisen naisen näköinen.
In what is perhaps one of the most fascinating race realist posts available on the web, "What it's like to teach Black students", the White teacher who spent years teaching Black-majority classrooms writes the following:

"Blacks are keenly interested in their own racial characteristics. I have learned, for example, that some blacks have “good hair.” Good hair is black parlance for black-white hybrid hair. Apparently, it is less kinky, easier to style, and considered more attractive."

Interestingly enough, Black wooly hair used to be described in Brazil by whites and black/mulattos alike as "bad hair" (cabelo ruim) as opposed to straight hair which used to be referred to as "good" (cabelo bom). I said "used to" because in these politically correct times, people tend to avoid using these concepts.


What I can tell you is that Brazilian women are EXTREMELY envious and resentful of white European women. The men, not so much. Lighter women are always humiliating darker women, and so forth. The ideal of feminine beauty is the northern European phenotype of pasty skin with straight blonde hair and blue eyes. Brazilian women usually don't find white European and American men sexually attractive because they think they are lacking in manly attitude and charm - they think Brazilian men have more of that -, and yet a lot of Brazilian women want to mate with white European and American men. Why? Because they hope their daughters will have lighter skin and European feautures. Brazilian upper class women who are husband-less and want kids usually import Dannish sperm.
An example of how this manifests is with plastic surgery. When looking at why people get plastic surgery they are trying to make themselves more beautiful, but the kind of features they are going for is more similar to someone who is white; the features that they are getting surgery on are often the one they think they get from their nonwhite parents or grandparents. So while Brazil promotes this myth of mixed race beauty. The reality is that this myth just reinforces very similar beauty standards with a slightly different skin tone.


But who created the standard of beauty and how? We tend to describe people who have straight jet-black hair, and large, double lidded, almond-shaped eyes as “Asian beauty”. Even though we are Asian, whenever we see people who have those facial features, we say, “You are beautiful like Asian beauty!” In fact one of my colleague just described another colleague as an “Asian beauty” the other day. It just feels weird when Asian people describe another Asian as an “Asian beauty”. This is because the idea of Asian beauty has been created in the white imagination. We do not say European beauty or Latin beauty, because the standard of beauty is already based on European (white) features. What is more, something which is called a “universal standard” or “universal beauty” is just not universal. It always based on physical features of white people.
The inter-racial relationships that are apparent in the media are ironically a racial reversal of historical miscegenation. Brazilian black men who have achieved success (often soccer players and entertainers) are commonly seen with white women. The March 1999 issue of Raça, a Brazilian magazine targeted toward Afro-Brazilians, ran an article and debate entitled “Por queeles preferem as loiras?” (Why do they prefer blondes?). This feature explores this phenomenon of black men’s preference for blond women. It would seem that a society in which all races existed in equality that inter-racial relationships would exist independent of socioeconomic status – but clearly the black population does not subsist at the socioeconomic level of the white population. The Raça article identifies that it is the improved financial status of black men is a factor which enables them to date blond women. The individuals involved in the published debate conclude that a Brazilian black man would not have this option to date blond women if they were poor – in effect money enables the negation of black identity.

Alta löytyvä brasilialainen riimi on käyttäytymistieteellisesti ymmärrettävää, että moni valkoinen mies voi nähdä sekarotuiset tai muiden rotujen naiset seksikkäinä, mutta kun on aika perustaa perhettä voi esim. valkoinen mies haluta valkoisia lapsia vaikka toisaalta kyllä se jossain määrin onnistuu mulattinaisen kanssa. Tietenkin on miehiä, jotka haluaisivat pariutua esim. mulattinaisen kanssa, mutta kun esim. perhe tai sosiaalinen ympäristö ei siihen välttämättä myönteisesti suhtautuisi, niin sitten päädytään parisuhteeseen valkoisen naisen kanssa, koska näin tekevät muutkin esim. eliittiin kuuluvat.
Such opinions about the high sexualisation of mulatas are asserted in the old Brazilian rhyme, ‘Branca para casar, Negra p’ra trabalhar, Mulata p’ra fornicar’ which translates as ‘white lady for marrying, black woman for working, mulatto woman for fornicating.’ (do Nascimento, 1989: 64.). The sentiment stated in the rhyme shows that while Euro-Brazilian men may find mulatas sexually attractive, they do not necessarily respect them. Despite popular opinion that assumes otherwise, interracial marriages in Brazil are not typical with 77% of all Brazilian marriages in 1991 being endogamous (Telles, 2004: 176.). Interracial sexual relationships are more likely to be outside of marriage: White men may have mulata mistresses when married, or girlfriends when they are young or widowers, but overwhelmingly continue to choose white women as their wives (See Goldstein, 2003.).

Katselin tässä Google Scholar:sta, että löytyisikö jotain uutta kauneudesta ja tuli vastaan kirjoitus Brasiliassa esiintyvistä kauneusleikkauksista. Kyllä se on sillä tavalla, että vaikka sekarotuiset voivat olla omalla tavalla erittäin kauniita ei kuitenkaan sekarotuisuus ole aina tae kauneudelle, koska sitä voi omata esim. negrideille tyypillisemmän huomattavan leveän tai suuren nenän, kähärämmän tukan ja monia muita kielteisiä tekijöitä naiskauneuden kannalta, joita sitten korjataan kauneusleikkauksilla ja käyttämällä peruukkeja, jolloin syntyy osaltaan väärinkäsitys sekarotuisten kauneudesta.
Alexander Edmonds' goal is to explain how and why plástica has taken root in the third world context and particular cultural landscape of Brazil at this specific historical juncture. Why does Brazil have per capita rates of plástica five times higher than some much richer European countries, and why has this happened during a time of income concentration? To answer these questions, Pretty Modern contextualizes the realm of the aesthetic by analyzing the relationship of beauty to social conflicts in modernizing Brazil since the 1920s. Organized in three parts, the book focuses on: transformations in medical practices and technology; shifting politics of racial identification; and female sexuality, including the political economy of female reproduction.

Tuossa ylempänä olevassa lainauksessa oli juttua Alexander Edmonds:in Pretty Modern: Beauty, Sex, and Plastic Surgery in Brazil kirjasta ja katselin lisää löytyisikö siitä enemmän tietoa, koska Brasilia ja monet muut Amerikan maat ovat muutenkin mielenkiintoinen tarkastelun kohde sekarotuisemmiksi muuttuvien länsimaiden kannalta, että miltä tulevaisuus näyttää jossain määrin myös Suomessa. Muuttuvatko länsimaat todellakin joidenkin mokuttajien haaveilemaksi sekarotuiseksi väestöksi vai käykö kuitenkin samalla tavalla kuin latinalaisissa maissa, että syntyy esim. selvä ulkonäköön perustuva hierarkia, joka taas perustuu osaltaan tähän minun kauneustutkimukseeni, jonka mukaan europidit ovat keskimäärin parhaimman näköisiä.
Googlen käännös englanniksi:

When discussing the aesthetics of the races, the author examines the controversial idea that Brazil enjoys forms of racial harmonious coexistence that are absent in most other countries. For him, this idea has dominated Brazilianists and theories of modern nationalistic identity throughout the 20th century. Edmonds points out that, since the 1960s, a large number of critics and black growing movement have challenged this view of racial exceptionalism, still denouncing the racial democracy Brazilian is a myth.


When Edmons talks about the influence of race in body sculpting, highlights the anatomical differences attributed to the bodies of black women and not black, and demonstrates that such attributes are currently accessible through surgical techniques, blending characteristics before understood themselves as the "body white "and the other" black body ". The "mulatto" is cited as an example of this mixture.

In reflecting on the aesthetics of the bodies of Brazilian women, the author takes up the idea of ​​ass as "national passion". For Edmonds, not only mixing but also feminine beauty is a kind of "populist myth". In this context, deconstruct the myths regarding the Brazilian beauty, blackness and sexuality, the student understands that contemporary surgery reflects the persistence of eugenic ideals of racial improvement, as well as a celebration of the beauty of miscegenation.

The use of beauty culture as a lens to examine the issue of race in Brazil demonstrates the importance of the aesthetic dimension of modern subjectivities. As the hierarchy of color makes the look a marker of central status social Edmonds shows how it is not surprising that the current movement black should be framed in the same aesthetic language, ie, as an affirmation of beauty and consumer rights black.

The discussion of miscegenation discourse emerges from plastic surgeons and women popular class interviewed by the author. Respondents argue that, among the different motivations for performing plastic surgery is the reconstruction of the anatomical characteristics determinants of body black and not black. Tapering nose, decrease the thickness of the lips, [decrease the volume of the breasts and liposuction] are the types of facial modification required by most women, which may represent a process of mixing and facial anatomical features of different races.

The result would be the most valued culturally mulatto or mulatta, seen by one of the surgeons interviewed by Edmonds as a national product very attractive. The "dark" is also cited as a hybrid between white and black. Harry would be the one whose characteristics merge the whites and blacks, especially the design of nose, lips, eyes and straight hair with a skin tone darker than white, but not considered black. In the author's opinion, the brunettes are idealized and eroticized in the Brazilian imaginary, American and European.

Edmonds realizes the ideology of "morenidade" not only as a racial exclusion, but also as an inclusion. Is not black nor white, but living in a place not privileged by the erotic Brazilian culture. One effect of this smoothing morenidade is massive and the implantation of long hair among black women in Brazil. Strategy that, according to the interviewees by Edmonds, would be seen as a "mulatto", apparently more accepted and valued than being seen as black.

What the researcher note is that in the studied community, plastic surgery is a means to modify those features less valued by remitting profile negroide present in Brazilian families a greater or lesser amount. He states that "in Brazil, family members sometimes barter skin color, facial features, hair color and with colors that are socially accepted in different ways." For the author, the genetic family becomes a lottery with winners - those who are born with characteristics of "white" - and losers - those who are born with "bad hair" and darker skin. Thus the practices of beauty ultimately reflect a particular history of racial domination.

Olen myös tarkastellut eri maiden kauneusleikkaussivustoja ja kirjoittamalla Googleen plástica estética Brasil voi havaita kuinka ulkonäöltään vaaleat eurooppalaiset tai eurokeskiset naiset ovat suuresti edustettuina vaikka voisi ajatella sivuilla olevan enemmän kuvia kauniin näköisistä mulateista, joilla tietenkin on usein myös vähän intiaania geeniperimässä ja ulkonäössä. Tietenkin tässä on todennäköisesti osaltaan kyse asiakasryhmistä, joiden joukossa on paljon eurooppalaistaustaisia, mutta toisaalta näiden sivustojen ulkonäkö ei kunnolla edusta maan väestön ulkonäköä, koska kyllä siellä voisi olla enemmän kuvia esim. kauniista mustasta ja intiaani naisesta. Naisen vieressä on pari kuvaajaa, joista voi tarkastella brasilialaisten geeniperimää, joka on tutkimusten mukaan suurelta osin eurooppalainen ja tämä mulateilla esiintyvä geeniperimä on suurelta osin isälinjan haploryhmien perusteella eurooppalaisilta miehiltä, jotka ovat tehneet lapsia mustien ja intiaani naisten kanssa.

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